The Eastmoreland neighborhood has a rich and interesting history. The following narrative comes from the Historic District Nomination (2015). Click here for the complete nomination.


  Early East Side Development (1870-1890)

 By the early twentieth century, the city of Portland’s population steadily spread eastward beyond the confines of the city’s center on the west side of the Willamette River. This expansion was enabled by the construction of a series of bridges across the river. The first Morrison Street Bridge of 1887 was followed by a railroad bridge at the current location of the Steel Bridge in 1888. The next year, the first electric railway crossed the Steel Bridge into Albina and East Portland (which were incorporated into Portland in 1889).54 With the improved vehicular and streetcar connections to the east side came an increase in residential development. The impact of the streetcar on Portland’s east side was particularly dramatic. In 1891, 25 percent of the greater metropolitan population resided on the east side. By the 1910s, that figure rose to 50 percent. Portland was following a larger national trend in urban to suburban migration. As historian Alan Gowans has noted, “by the 1890s, most of the well-to-do were gone from inner cities, and by 1900 the middle class was well on its way  out also – away from all this, out to the suburbs.”55 In Portland and elsewhere, the streetcar permitted the urban middle class to work in the bustling city centers and reside in the more sylvan and healthful suburbs.

The dramatic expansion of the city’s population onto the east side was accommodated by the rapid subdivision and development of the patchwork of large and small farmsteads on the east side. In the present-day area of the Buckman neighborhood (NRHP-eligible 2012), for instance, developers and land speculators led to the unplanned platting of subdivisions that, while often laid out in a grid plan street pattern, created disjointed street connections between platted parcels.56 Speculative development flourished on the east side as developers took full advantage of the economic depression of the 1890s by buying up platted parcels as well as vacant or foreclosed land. In Buckman, this flurry of activity resulted in a wide range of property development responses.  While single-family, owner-occupied, and multi-family homes were erected during this period, many developers also erected rows of identical homes in clusters of threes and fours and utilized these residences as long-term rentals.57 As Buckman was developed without restrictive covenants, it reflected an intermingled mosaic of commercial and residential land uses, owner-occupied and rental homes, varying social classes, building types, and architectural styles.58

In contrast to Buckman, which lacked deed restrictions, developers on the east side of Portland contained several larger developments where restrictive covenants were imposed on properties to provide a more predictable means of selling lots and constructing homes. First platted in 1887 and opened for sale in 1891, Irvington’s (NRHP-listed, 2010) developers established restrictive covenants on property deeds to ensure a predictable level of housing and architectural quality, social/racial uniformity, non-commercial property uses, as well as stable property values for a period of up to 25 years.59 Unlike Buckman, the original Irvington tract of 288 acres was subdivided into a strict orthogonal grid plan with rectangular-shaped blocks that generally followed the neighboring street patterns to create a sense of continuity. While Irvington included multi-family housing opportunities near the streetcar lines, commercial uses were strictly forbidden.

 William S. Ladd and his Estate: Laying the Groundwork for a Planned Community (1891-1909)

Other large landowners on the east side eyed the platting of Irvington with interest and soon developed their own land holdings for residential communities. One such developer was William S. Ladd. Born in Holland, Vermont, Ladd came to Portland in 1851 and epitomized the prosperity of a “community-focused entrepreneur.”60 He began as an importer and dealer in liquor and spirits, established a mercantile business, served as Portland’s fifth mayor, opened a private bank that became the city’s second largest, and became one of the city’s most influential investors. Having made significant sums from his initial investment in the Oregon Steam Navigation Company, Ladd and his wife Caroline Elliott amassed an impressive fortune that included extensive real estate holdings throughout the state. By the end of the 1880s, Ladd controlled 1,700 acres on the east side of Portland in addition to extensive land holdings on the west side of the Willamette River. By 1893, his estate commanded a value of $10 million.61

In addition to amassing a fortune, Ladd had a penchant for being a visionary in the development of unique Portland neighborhoods. His most distinctive project, the streetcar community of Ladd’s Addition (NRHP-listed, 1988), served as an important forerunner of the City Beautiful Movement and is “unique within the history of American city planning and urban design.”62 The Ladd’s Addition plat, first filed in 1891 (but not substantively developed until 1905), consisted of 716 lots on 126 acres and exhibited a significant divergence from the city’s street grid layout in southeast Portland. It featured a complex, geometrically balanced set of diagonal streets that radiate out from a central circle and included four secondary parks, one in each of the community’s four quadrants.  Research has not pinpointed the exact inspiration for this idiosyncratic design, but it established  an important precedent for future communities that William Ladd’s estate developed in the early twentieth century.63

William Ladd died in 1893 and his estate was divided among his heirs.  His death occurred simultaneously with an economic depression, and the improvement of Ladd’s Addition was placed on hold until around 1905, when the subdivision’s first residences were erected. In order to develop Ladd’s significant land holdings, his heirs formed the Ladd Estate Company in 1908 and, after 16 years in probate, finally settled the estate in 1909.64 Ladd’s son William Mead Ladd, the company president, immediately began plans to establish three communities in southeast Portland: Laurelhurst, Westmoreland, and Eastmoreland. Continuing in the family’s tradition of distinctive community planning, Ladd established the neighborhood of Laurelhurst on the 462-acre Hazelfern Farm in 1909.

Retaining the services of John Charles Olmsted to design the street layout for the plat, Ladd eventually settled on a design that slightly deviated from Olmsted’s street layout, but retained some of the character of the landscape architect’s scheme. The final layout consisted of a central traffic circle with both fanciful and naturalistic curvilinear street patterns that also featured a series of concentric, quarter-circle streets.65 Olmsted did not oversee the finalization of the Laurelhurst plat, as it appears that Ladd was much more interested in the landscape architect’s ideas rather than his services.66 Olmsted later wrote to his business partner Frederick Law Olmsted, Jr., that “Mr. Ladd’s idea is that I should act in consultation with his engineer in determining a few main lines of curved roads only…..I dare say it was partly his canny way of saving the cost of a full plan. However, I dare say I shall get a fair compensation out of it.”67 John Charles Olmsted exerted an important influence on the city, as he was retained for the Portland’s Parks Plan of 1903 and the Lewis and Clark Centennial and American Pacific Exposition and Oriental Fair in 1905, as well as several commissions for Portland’s wealthy elite in the first decade of the twentieth century. While having important connections to Portland, the Olmsted firm did not work on the Eastmoreland subdivision. Instead, the Ladd Estate Company turned to landscape engineer Robert S. Greenleaf, who clearly received inspiration from the Olmsted firm’s conceptual approach to the Picturesque suburb and its organic and pastoral underpinnings.68 Just after Eastmoreland was platted, the city initiated efforts to integrate the neighborhood into a broader comprehensive planning scheme that reflected the influences of the City Beautiful Movement in the city.

 The City Beautiful Movement Personified: The Beginnings of Eastmoreland as a City Beautiful – Inspired Suburb (1910-1921)

The origins of the City Beautiful Movement are often attributed to the Chicago World’s Fair of 1893. The movement grew out of a period of political progressivism and the promotion of the ideal planned city: a place composed of physical infrastructure that reflected beauty, harmony, system, and order. Everything from the public sewer and lighting systems to the public boulevards and parks were viewed as opportunities to “heighten a citizenry’s civic patriotism, improve labor productivity, and enhance the urban economy through tourism and immigration.”69 Having garnered the City Beautiful ideals of Olmsted, without the costs, William Ladd sought to develop an additional farmstead in southeast Portland starting in 1909. The Company’s Crystal Springs Farm was a stock ranch owned by Ladd, developed on land acquired by his father in the 1870s through the purchase of various parcels of Alfred Llewellyn’s 640-acre donation land claim in addition to the Jacob Wills donation land claim. 70 Established in 1900, the Ladd Estate’s Crystal Springs Farm encompassed over 700 acres of rich natural grassland and water for raising cattle. 71 The property was subsequently transferred to a Ladd Estate Company subsidiary, the Columbia Trust Company, which began efforts to plat a new subdivision on the former stock farm from 1909 through 1912.

While “Westmoreland” was developed to the west side of the railroad line and followed the city’s familiar grid street plan, “Eastmoreland” was developed to the east and employed a “grid-and-meander” plan street grid surveyed by Robert S. Greenleaf, the same survey engineer who laid out Ladd’s Addition and Laurelhurst.

Greenleaf is likely the “engineer” that John Charles Olmsted referenced in the correspondence to Frederick Law Olmsted, Jr. (noted above) regarding the Laurelhurst plat. Greenleaf received special mention in an advertisement for Eastmoreland and Reed College, as the Ladd Estate announced that, “The very first thing done was to employ a landscape engineer of National repute, Capt. R. S. Greenleaf, to lay out the streets and drives in order to preserve the beauties of nature’s contours. This work was done in such a manner as to do away with the need of building retaining walls – a big item of expense done away with for the homebuilder!”72 Inspired by this interaction with the Olmsted firm, the Ladd Estate Company, in collaboration with Greenleaf, devised a subdivision that consisted of a series of east-west meandering streets and axial north-south avenues. A slightly offset boulevard was laid out on a north-south axis that featured a central park flanked by narrow drives. The boulevard’s north terminus was aligned with the main entrance of a new college that was established at the same time as Eastmoreland.

In February 1910, the Oregonian announced the Crystal Springs Farm as the site of Reed College, an institution to be built from a $2 million endowment from Amanda Reed. The college site was,

in the exact center of Eastmoreland, recently platted by the Columbia Trust Company. It also lies in the center of the Ladd Crystal Springs farm. Although the entire addition has been platted, none of the plats has been filed and a replat will be made, omitting the 40 acres in the Reed site. Adjacent to the proposed site of the institute are 20 fine springs, from which the farm originally derived its name. There is also a lake of 15 acres adjoining the site and this, with the springs and beautiful natural growth, will be set aside as a city park and developed in connection with the institute.73

The Reed Institute, with Collegiate Gothic-style buildings designed by Doyle and Patterson, opened its doors on September 18, 1911, with the first class of 50 students, 26 men and 24 women, assembled for the opening exercises in the building constructed for the temporary use of the college. On January 12, 1912, ground was broken for the first college buildings by Mrs. Helen Ladd Corbett, one of the donors of the original 40 acres of the campus. On September 23, 1912, the college began its first year in the first two new buildings with 119 registered students.

The connections between Reed College and Ladd’s newest development were unmistakable as the Ladd Estate, through its principal agent Frank N. Clark, published a gold-colored, profusely illustrated brochure in 1910 to firmly establish the physical connections between the college and the new development. The brochure heralded how this new development compared to the residential neighborhoods of some of the most distinguished institutions of higher learning such as the University of Virginia, Stanford University, and University of California, Berkeley.

Newspapers reported that “the owners of the addition will pave every street, put in water, sewers, sidewalks and other improvements and with high building restrictions will require that the property adjacent to the  institute is developed along the high lines demanded by the directors.”74 Throughout 1910, 1911, and 1912, improvements to Eastmoreland’s streetscapes moved at a brisk pace. In 1911, the Barber Asphalt Company paved Eastmoreland’s streets.75 A 15-acre nursery was established on the former Crystal Springs Farm and included “all kinds of ornamental shade trees and shrubbery…..The output of this nursery will now be used in beautifying the Reed college campus, and the streets, driveways and boulevards of Eastmoreland.”76 In 1911, it was reported that Reed College Place (the main boulevard) “is to be the piece-de-resistance of the splendid setting of Portland’s fine institution of learning that will soon begin to rise on the elevated land to the north and adjoining Eastmoreland . . . the center of the boulevard is to be a 30-foot parking [sic], lined with ornamental shade trees, shrubs and flowers. It will be about one mile in length and will extend entirely through Eastmoreland from south to north.”77 The integrated planning between the college and the neighboring residential development became even more apparent, when in that same year and “through the invitation of President Foster of Reed College, architect [Edward Herbert] Bennett of city beautiful fame (emphasis added)….incorporated Reed College place, Crystal Springs boulevard that skirts Eastmoreland on the south and west, and Woodstock avenue in the general park and boulevard system designed by him for the city.”78

Bennett’s work to incorporate the curvilinear roads surrounding Eastmoreland (and Reed College Place in the heart of the community) into the larger city park and boulevard network shows how the subdivision had very quickly assumed an important place in Portland’s comprehensive planning initiatives.

The Importance of Transportation Links: The Eastmoreland Viaduct and Streetcar Service

By the early 1910s, Portland had developed an extensive system of streetcars and interurban trains, with approximately 180 miles of track. Portland’s population of 260,000 took nearly 90,000,000 trips on the rail system in 1912.79 Eastmoreland, however, stood in relative isolation from the closest streetcar line located in Sellwood, more than a mile away. In April 1911, the Oregonian reported that work by Ladd Company laborers had begun on the steel and concrete viaduct to be built across the Southern Pacific mainline for the upcoming Eastmoreland broad gauge carline; a branch of the Sellwood carline that operated along Milwaukie Street.

The viaduct construction actually began in late September 1911 and extended Bybee Avenue over the railroad. The project, estimated to cost $70,000, extended the full width of the thoroughfare from 22nd Street in Westmoreland to the intersection of Crystal Spring Boulevard and Bybee Avenue in Eastmoreland, with the streetcar extending via Bybee and then east along Rex Street. The older Woodstock neighborhood offered automobile and streetcar access from SE 41st and Woodstock Boulevard, but the viaduct served as the only direct approach to Eastmoreland and Reed College from the west and from downtown Portland, while eliminating the danger and delays associated with a level railroad crossing. F.N. Clark noted that the construction “is considered in keeping with the high standard of improvements generally throughout Eastmoreland.”80 According to the Oregon Daily Journal,

This is the first instance in Portland where the entrance to a residence subdivision is to be effected by the building of an expensive viaduct, and in this case it would not be feasible except from the fact that Eastmoreland is large enough to warrant such a heavy expenditure, and the early completion of Reed Institute makes imperative the building of the line this year.81

In July 1911, the Ladd Estate Company had completed grading and began laying a set of double track for a broad gauge carline. In order to expedite construction, the Ladd Estate Company dispensed with building contractors and employed its own engineer, Paul A. Schuchert, to begin construction simultaneously at both ends of the line. As the line entered Bybee Avenue from Milwaukie Street, the tracks formed a long curve, which enabled the cars to make the turn at full speed. The streetcar line was built with the expectation of use by Reed College students and visitors and scheduled to run at least once every 15 minutes. After the paving between the rails was complete, the asphalt paving of the streets in Eastmoreland and Westmoreland was to begin. The Ladd Estate Company contracted with the Portland Railway, Light, and Power Company to operate cars over the Eastmoreland line. The plan anticipated direct operation from the downtown terminal to Eastmoreland.82

The Eastmoreland carline began operating on a regular schedule on March 10, 1912. Earlier that week, in anticipation of the initiation of operations, the Columbia Trust Company advertised the “uniquely exclusive” nature of the new line: “Its source of patronage will begin and end in EASTMORELAND. No undesirable section will or can be drained by it. This fact means clean cars, a good class of persons and a satisfactory line.”83 Two days after the Eastmoreland line began operating, F.N. Clark, Ladd Estate sales agent for Eastmoreland, advertised the line as “the effect of a lighted match on a keg of gunpowder – things have gone off with a rush!” Clark described Eastmoreland as “nearly isolated” before construction of the Eastmoreland viaduct allowed laborers and materials to reach the area. Clark emphasized that these transportation improvements afforded prospective buyers potential savings on home-building costs.84 By August 1912, a permit was granted for an extension of the Eastmoreland carline. The extension began on Knapp Avenue, the previous carline terminus, and extended eastward to serve the residents of Berkeley, Dover, Errol, Oberlin, and Darlington.85

The improvements to transportation, as well as the development of Reed College and Eastmoreland, likely prompted additional subdivisions in the 1910s that included Campus Heights (1911) and Regal Hill (1912). Campus Heights, platted by the Portland Trust Company of Oregon, was surveyed by the same surveyor as Eastmoreland, Robert S. Greenleaf. Regal Hill, platted by members of the Cleland, Wright, Jackson, and Ladd families, was also surveyed by Robert S. Greenleaf.86 The relationship of Greenleaf with these plat surveys ensured their incorporation into the larger Eastmoreland development. As the 1914 U.S. Geological Survey map conveys, the east-west roads of the northwest corner of the Eastmoreland plats were clearly integrated with the northern plat additions, while Berkeley Addition to the south had not yet been attached to Eastmoreland’s road network. The district’s northwest corner also contains the Rob Roy Addition (1903)/Rob Roy Addition Replat (1906) and a portion of the Woodstock – Amended Addition (1890), both of which were platted prior to Eastmoreland. These subdivisions contain the district’s two oldest properties, but the majority of residences in these areas were built between 1920 and 1960.

Early Residences

Amidst the construction of the physical layout of Eastmoreland and the transportation improvements, the first house associated with the new development was constructed in 1911 at the southern end of the development.87 The Jacques and Amelia Reinhart House (NRHP-listed, 1985), situated on SE 30th Avenue, represented the first residence of Eastmoreland. The house’s occupants typified the initial social class that populated the neighborhood, as Jacques Reinhart was a company office manager for I. Lang & Company, one of the largest wholesale grocers in Portland. The Reinharts were active members of Temple Beth Israel and commissioned the noted architectural firm of Jacobberger and Smith to design their Colonial Revival home.88 Drawing from an academic and antiquarian inspiration, this style sought to evoke the colonial origins of the United States as well as the Classical formalism of Rome and Greece by calling upon surviving historical buildings, in part or in whole, as worthy of replication.89 Whether or not the Reinharts wanted to call upon this historicism, the house’s architect-designed features revealed early on that residents were attracted to individualized design quality. Other residences erected during the first decade of the subdivision’s existence reflected the influence of the Arts and Crafts movement through their Craftsman style detailing such as the dwelling at 6330 SE 32nd Avenue. A reaction to the rapid industrialization of the modern world and the desire for machine-manufactured goods, the Arts and Crafts Movement centered on the inherent virtuousness of handicrafts and the craftsman and the “search for the way of that life that was true, contemplative, and filled with essences rather than superficialities….”90

The Reinhart home, as well as the others built during this period, appeared to meet the parameters of the Ladd Estate Company’s restrictive covenants that accompanied the deeds for individual lots within the subdivision. Beginning as early as 1844, “restrictive covenants” to deeds had been a form of planning, preservation, and exclusion, ensuring that “land would not be put to other uses by subsequent owners.”91 Primarily used by large corporate builders, such as the Ladd Estate Company, deed restrictions and covenants were relatively common in Portland starting in the late 1880s and the company employed them in Ladd’s Addition, Laurelhurst, Westmoreland, and Rose City Park.

Building restrictions within Eastmoreland included generous front yard setbacks, 28- to 48-foot-wide streets with concrete curbs, 6-foot concrete sidewalks,92 and $3,000 to $4,000 minimum building costs according to location within the addition.93 These restrictions were increased to $5,000 for properties located near Reed College Place.94 By 1911, Eastmoreland contained the “highest building restriction of any residence addition to Portland.”95 A 1914 deed details the restrictions imposed in Eastmoreland. For a 10-year period, for instance, liquor could not be manufactured or sold on site, and the property could not be turned into a “flat or apartment house, shop, saloon, hotel, livery stable, laundry factory, or other place of business nor be used for the carrying on of any trade or business whatsoever nor for any other than residence purposes.”96 “Chinese, Japanese, and Negroes” were not allowed to own the property, detached dwellings costing $3000 or less were prohibited, and dwellings were required to be 25 feet from north-south roadways and 15 feet from east-west roadways. Violators of these restrictions faced the nullification of their deed with the title reverting to the Ladd Estate Company.97

The Colonial Revival Style, Arts and Crafts, Bungalow/Craftsman-style homes proved to be the styles most commonly selected by the early residents of Eastmoreland through the 1910s. During this period, several other architect-designed dwellings were erected in the neighborhood, but by the end of 1921, only about 45 homes had been erected within the subdivision.98 This was a reflection of an economic recession that struck starting in 1914 and continued to the end of World War I.99

Perhaps wanting to jump start the real estate market in Eastmoreland once again, the Ladd Estate Company brought together a team of architects and a landscape architect to demonstrate standards for small house/small lot development and to promote sales to a wider economic range of customers. The team designed five adjacent houses in the block between SE Rex and SE Lambert of the original Eastmoreland  plat. An Oregonian article announced on August 29, 1920, that “five houses are being built along harmonious lines with harmonious landscape development and driveway and garage arrangements calculated to save yard space.”100 The article refers to the five- to six-room dwellings as being a “colonial bungalow design,” choosing the term “bungalow” to more describe size than architectural type. This news report gives Portland architect Morris Whitehouse credit for designing three of the new houses and the recently formed Portland architectural firm Johnson, Parker & Wallwork for the other two. L.M. Thielen served as the landscape architect for the row of houses, introducing a conservative allocation of space for the automobile through shared driveways and garages. The Oregonian article praised Thielen by stating that the “harmonious landscaping of all five yards is being worked out” under his direction. Although by no means a common approach in the neighborhood,  shared driveways and garages inspired the layout of several smaller houses built in this period. The firm of Mangas-Taylor Construction built these units, which cost approximately $7,500 each.

The design influences of Whitehouse, Parker, and Thielen are associated with a number of dwellings constructed in the neighborhood during this period, which suggests an ongoing relationship with Ladd Estate Company management. For example, Whitehouse and Thielen designed the Eastmoreland home and garden of Ladd Estate Company (president) Frank Upshaw in 1921 (2923 SE Tolman).101  Jamieson Parker, known for a number of significant projects in Eastmoreland, is given architectural credit for the house at 7614 SE 27th Avenue.102

Eastmoreland Golf Course

Despite the slow start to house construction, the Ladd Estate Company nonetheless pursued the development of a golf course on a 148-acre tract between its Eastmoreland subdivision and the Union Pacific Railroad line. The association of leisurely recreational pursuits, particularly golf, with new residential subdivisions was frequently utilized by developers throughout the early twentieth century as a means of attracting a city’s middle to upper class residents.103 Rather than creating a private club, however, the Eastmoreland Golf Course was “first conceived as the answer to a need for public golf courses in Portland” and was initiated with a donation  of land from the Ladd Estate Company.104 Aligning with the City Beautiful Movement, Portland voters approved an annual tax for the purchase and construction of parklands.105 The Eastmoreland Golf Course was one of  the parks established as a result of the approved tax, and in 1917, the first nine holes were laid out by H. Chandler Egan. By 1920, 18 holes were completed. The course was managed by trustees of the Ladd Estate Company until 1923, when it was turned over to the Portland Parks Bureau. After the title was transferred, Portland City Council “passed an ordinance that established a municipal utility to administer the game of golf.”106 Egan, one of the most notable golf course architects in the Pacific Northwest, designed several other courses, including Lake Oswego Country Club and Waverly Golf Club in Oregon as well as Pacific Grove in California in addition to a redesign of Pebble Beach.107  Eastmoreland is noted as the second oldest golf course in Oregon, and when it was built, it was one of only about 500 golf courses existing in the United States.108

 A Building Boom, European Architectural Influences, and the Reliance Upon the Automobile (1922-1945)

Even with its prodigious site improvements, extensive expenditures on a new streetcar line, relationship with the new Reed Institute, and association with a new golf course, Eastmoreland initially struggled to attract residents. The neighborhood’s sluggish residential construction, however, was soon eclipsed by a period of exponential building activity and the emergence of a new architectural identity based on European inspirations. It also witnessed a more complete change in transportation orientation. Moving away from the streetcar, Eastmoreland’s residents openly embraced the utility of the automobile and soon integrated it into the design of their homes and neighborhood.

Roads, Bridges, and the Elimination of the Streetcar

 Judging from the Sanborn Fire Insurance Maps from 1925 for Eastmoreland, development within the neighborhood was not necessarily centered on the streetcar line. Indeed, even amidst slow initial development, houses were scattered throughout the original plat. It appears that this decentralized development pattern was related to the increased number of automobiles that Portlanders, particularly the middle to upper classes, were purchasing. Starting in the 1910s, the number of Multnomah County Motor Vehicle Registrations increased at significant rates. Between 1916 and 1917, for instance, the number of registrations more than doubled from 8,808 to 20,008. It doubled again between 1920 and 1925, when the numbers increased from 29,167 to 76,100.109

With the wider use of automobiles, Eastmoreland residents soon benefited from improvements in paved road connections as a number of projects coincided to dramatically improve the convenience of travel between the neighborhood and city center.  The proposed Ross Island and Sellwood Bridges, together with the rebuilding of the Burnside Bridge, provided the impetus for swift growth on Portland’s east side. The widening and extension of east side arterials benefited existing developments like Eastmoreland.110 The Ross Island Bridge, estimated to cost $1,600,000, was intended to serve 91,000 south and southeast Portland residents and help address the 2,000 percent increase in trans-Willamette bridge river traffic witnessed over the previous 12 years. The 120-foot-high bridge required no draw and, thereby, lessened traffic obstruction from river navigation.111

The opening of East 28th Street between Steele and Woodstock Avenues was a major street improvement associated with the anticipated construction of the Ross Island Bridge. In October 1922, Portland’s city engineering office announced plans for the connection of East 28th Street with Powell Street by opening an extension of one block to offer a direct route from “the Eastmoreland district” to the proposed Ross Island Bridge.112 The completion of East 28th Street (now SE 28th Street) in 1922 was lauded for providing a new and more direct route from Reed College and Eastmoreland to downtown Portland, as well as “an important link in an interesting sight-seeing route through the east side of the city….”113

Before the completion of East 28th Street, the only way to access Eastmoreland was via Milwaukie Street, 39th Street, or 42nd Street. While direct, Milwaukie Street was the primary approach to Portland from areas in the Willamette Valley and was “jammed with machines, street cars and other vehicles for 24 hours of the day.”114 The Oregonian hailed the opening of East 28th Street as a boon to the Eastmoreland residents, as well as golf enthusiasts and Reed College students.115 The Oregon Daily Journal noted that the street improvement reduced the drive from Reed College and the Eastmoreland Golf Course to the west side’s central business district by one mile at a cost of approximately $50,000.116

Real estate developers promoted the anticipated completion of the Ross Island Bridge as facilitating better access to Portland’s west side and benefiting property valuation. As early as March 1925, the Ladd Estate Company incorporated images of the Ross Island Bridge into real estate advertisements for Eastmoreland.117 On December 6, 1926, Frank B. Upshaw, manager and sales agent for the community-owned Eastmoreland Company, advertised that “with the completion of the Ross Island Bridge about January 1, trans-river traffic will be available, less the hindrance of delays due to open draws. Property valuations will be enhanced upon its completion.”118 Later in 1927, after the bridge was completed, the Eastmoreland Company advertised available lots, noting that “Ross Island bridge provides an unobstructed artery to the city.”119

In addition to improved roads, the 1920s brought a change in transit options. Unlike many other close-in Portland neighborhoods that retained their streetcar service into the 1940s, the Eastmoreland streetcar line was abandoned in 1926, and by November 1927, the Eastmoreland bus line had begun operating. The new route operated on Bybee, 28th, Rex, and 32nd. The line originally ran from Bybee and Milwaukie to Woodstock and 41st, but was later merged with 39th (now SE Cesar E. Chavez Boulevard) to provide direct service to northeast Portland.120

A Real Estate Boom, a Shift in Architectural Character, and a Change in Management Structure

These dramatic improvements in roadways fueled Eastmoreland’s building boom that was also distinguished by its use of Revival architectural styles. By the time the house at 6740 SE 35th Avenue was completed in 1922, the English Cottage style house came to epitomize how World War I had transformed the established architectural traditions of Portland. Designed by Harold W. Doty, the residence’s attention to architectural historicism reveals how architects who served in the military abroad transported rural European cottage designs directly to the United States. The owner of the property, Thomas Henry Boyd, the Oregon state commander of the American Legion and former captain in the 362nd Infantry of the 91st Division, assembled a team of World War I veterans to design and build a dwelling based directly on a warden’s dwelling that Doty sketched while in Langres, France, while serving on the “camouflage corps.” 121 The builders of the house included contractor Perry Dolph of Garden City Homes Company (316th Signal Corps of the 91st Division) and plumber L.A. Beard of Beard Brothers (364th Infantry), and as a newspaper article noted, “nearly every nail was driven by ex-service men.”122 Perhaps even more importantly, the article captures how architects,  builders, and owners alike began to lose the ability to differentiate between the subtle differences in design origin. The article notes that “So accustomed have builders and owners become to standard types of homes that few of them recognize the style or period. To most of them the house at 1364 East Thirty-fifth street is an “English colonial,” but it is of proud and ancient Norman lineage – the “keepers” home from Langres.”123

Indeed, just as house construction began to boom in Eastmoreland in the 1920s, the architects of Portland, and nationwide, had started to engage in a period of profound architectural eclecticism that often blurred traditional design typologies, where one could have a “colonial bungalow” or an “English colonial” that was actually French in origin. One modern observer noted that Portland architect Ellis Lawrence’s design ethic often contained the “unexpected juxtaposition of different styles and shapes, mixing traditional details with modern and formal exteriors with informal exteriors or vice versa.”124 Even Lawrence himself avoided trying to pinpoint the style of buildings, for he once responded to a questioner about the style of the University of Oregon’s Chapman Hall that “it just ain’t pure enough to be branded.”125 By the late 1920s, however, even the newspapers were noting that Eastmoreland’s residential architecture was following a “foreign trend.”126 In addition to Lawrence, important architects that were particularly prolific in Eastmoreland during this period included Jamieson Parker, Carl Linde, Harold Doty, and Charles Ertz.

Even as the neighborhood was entering a construction boom, the Ladd Estate actively sought to divest itself of its ongoing real estate ventures, which included the sale of the remaining lots in Eastmoreland. This effort coincided with the resignation of William M. Ladd as president of the company due to ill health. On the same date of his resignation, October 1, 1926, the Ladd Estate Company sold undeveloped real estate in Eastmoreland and other holdings for a rumored sum of $5 million to Frederick H. Strong and Paul C. Murphy. Strong was the Ladd Estate Company’s managing director and Murphy was the manager of the Laurelhurst development (in Portland). Ten days later, Strong and Murphy sold the Eastmoreland properties to a newly organized company, the Eastmoreland Company, composed of 49 homeowners and district residents who held shares in the new company.127 The remaining undeveloped property included 428 unpurchased lots in the Eastmoreland subdivision and a 9-acre tract south of Crystal Springs Boulevard and north of Johnson Creek. The Eastmoreland Company purchased the lots to assure the future development and construction on the remaining vacant property continued “in keeping with the general scheme of home building.” The value of the acquired property exceeded $1 million. Frank B. Upshaw, former assistant manager of the Ladd Estate Company, was selected as the Eastmoreland Company’s president and manager.128 According to Upshaw, the Eastmoreland Company was “unique in real estate development.” The residents were “assured development in keeping with the present high standards of the district.”129 The following March, construction began on 21 new homes, with plans to build an additional four. Indeed, the idea drew national attention as a description of the new arrangement was published in the National Real Estate Journal in 1927.130 Upshaw commented that, “The community-owned community idea of Eastmoreland company has proven successful and has bred confidence in prospective homeowners in the district.  They know that the future development will be for the best interests of everyone in the district.”131

Model, Demonstration, and Experimental Homes

Architects and developers in Portland actively worked with realtors, contractors, promoters, and educators to erect a wide variety of model, demonstration, and experimental homes in Eastmoreland during this period.

Perhaps fueled by the Better Homes Movement, these models provided an opportunity for prospective home buyers to see the latest in domestic advancements.132 In Eastmoreland, the development’s promoters found that Portlanders were more than willing to use their cars to visit these residences over the weekend. One advertisement for Eastmoreland noted that, “A trip to this charming area is not only an opportunity to view interesting home construction, but affords an easy, pleasant drive that brings exhilarating pleasure to everyone in the car.”133

Eastmoreland featured several homes that garnered local, regional, and national attention. The “All Electric House” at 6428 SE Reed College Place, for instance, was built as the prize for a nationwide essay written by 18-year-old Portlander Julia Groo. Groo gained notoriety for writing a 600-word essay on the “value of good home lighting” and submitting it to a national competition sponsored by the National Electric Light Association. Despite the long odds, given that a million other students across the United States and Canada had submitted entries, Miss Groo received the good news of her win in late December 1924, which resulted in a $15,000 house to be constructed on a site of the winner’s choosing.134 The demonstration house served as an important promotion for the integration of electrical appliances for residential uses because in the mid-1920s, only 1,600 homes in Portland were heated by electricity and only 500 had electric ranges and refrigerators.135

Since Groo and her parents expressed a commitment to staying in Portland, the Ladd Realty Company saw an opportunity to highlight the qualities of Eastmoreland.136 The Company donated a 100-by-100-foot lot on the neighborhood’s main parkway—Reed College Place—between Tolman and Claybourne. When the house was finished at the beginning of November 1925, the Groos and their sponsors, the National Electric Light Association, opened it for visits from the public for an entire month. Reports in the Oregonian speculated that over 250,000 people came to see the possibilities of an electric future.137

Several other contractors and architects teamed up to erect homes during this period, including the Universal Plans Service Model Home (3133 SE Bybee), Greater Value Home/Value-Built House (3206 SE Tolman), Oregon Building Congress Apprentice-Built Model Home (7101 Reed College Place, 1929), and the Women’s Realty Board (WRB) Demonstration House (2805 SE Knapp Street, 1931). The WRB Demonstration House is perhaps one of the most significant of the model homes to be built in Eastmoreland, as it conveys how a group of Portlanders were in the vanguard of advancing the role of women in the profession of real estate while also advocating for home ownership and the use of sound construction materials.

The Women’s Realty Board

The WRB was formed in 1921 in response to the Portland Realty Bureau’s exclusion of women and non-white men from membership. The individuals who originally organized the WRB in Portland, the first in the nation, were pioneers in the field of real estate, and their actions encouraged other female real estate brokers to join established professional real estate organizations.

Despite the early twentieth century’s social and political obstacles, women began working in real estate sales and brokerage at rates of entry five to fifteen times higher than those of men. Male brokers generally dominated the more lucrative industrial and commercial realty sector, while women focused on residential sales and leases.138 The early 1920s led to women’s increased participation and influence in the real estate profession. In December 1921, G. Louise Slocomb of Portland published a Washington Herald article promoting the role of women in real estate, contending that women could “function to good advantage” in the field of apartment houses, hotels, and small furnished guest homes. Operating in this realm, Slocomb advised, could allow women to give advice to fellow women “as to income, value and the handling of various sources of income.”

During this time, housing discrimination known as redlining prohibited minorities from purchasing property in certain areas of Portland. In 1919, the Portland Realty Board approved a “Code of Ethics” that forbade realtors and bankers from selling or giving loans for property located in white neighborhoods to minorities.139 Two years later, the Portland Realty Board announced its intention to exclude all but white males from membership in its organization.140

The movement to professionalize real estate brokerage from the 1900s through the 1920s relied on various notions of masculinity and attempts by the National Association of Real Estate Boards (NAREB) and others to apply scientific principles to the profession. By the 1920s, despite the focus on masculine qualities and attempts to “scientize,” women were increasingly entering the real estate field.

On October 16, 1921, the WRB, the nation’s first women’s realty board, was established for the purpose of standardizing and regulating the business of female brokers licensed to conduct real estate transactions.141 The WRB was also formed in reaction to the Portland Realty Board’s decision to exclude women and non- white males from its membership, per Article 3, section 1 of the Portland Realty Board’s constitution and by- laws, which stated that, “Any white male person . . . shall be eligible to active membership in this board.”142 In an editorial published by Celeste Liston Harris, real estate agent and editor of Ad-Fax, the Women’s Advertising Clubs’ official publication, she reported that:

A variety of reasons was given, we are told, as to why women actively engaged in the real estate business should not join the board, one of the most expressed being that their presence at meetings would take away the freedom now enjoyed by the men, such as smoking, etc.143

In response, Ms. Harris contended that “if the woman member of the house of representatives of the United States, can swallow it [smoke] for several hours daily for several months per year, surely the business women of Portland can stand it for an hour each week.”144 Ms. Harris’s editorial motivated the Women’s Advertising Club of Portland to send a resolution to all other women’s organizations in the city, protesting the action of the Portland Realty Board. When the WRB formed, Ms. Harris became the vice president.145

On October 29, 1921, about two weeks after the WRB organized, WRB delegates attended the annual meeting of the Northwest Realty Association (Oregon chapter) held in Portland. The delegation planned to request recognition of their association and, if successful, would petition for admission to the association. The Morning Register (Eugene, Oregon) reported that, “Women are not admitted to membership of the realty association, according to local realtors, but many women are members of realty firms that are affiliated with the association.”146 During the Northwest Realty Association meeting, the association granted the WRB’s membership request on the same basis as other boards, “but with the reservation that it was to remain strictly a women’s organization and not become a competitor of the Portland realty board.” At that time, the Portland Realty Board was the only member of the Northwest Realty Association that barred women from membership.147 In March 1922, at its regularly scheduled luncheon, the Portland Realty Board reconsidered changing its constitution to admit women as members, so that they could use the title “realtor.” No action was taken until later that year. The proposed change was narrowly defeated in 1921 prior to the formation of the WRB.148

By September 1922, the WRB steadily increased its membership and influence.149 In December 1922, approximately 75 women realty brokers actively practiced real estate under state license, with many focusing on hotel and apartment leases or residential property. By then, the Portland Realty Board had changed its policy against admitting women to its membership.150 The WRB’s pioneering efforts to practice real estate as members of a formal organization were followed in 1924 by the California Real Estate Association’s creation of a Women’s Division. In 1938, the National Association of Real Estate Boards voted to form a women’s division at the annual convention.151

A decade after the WRB first organized, in February of 1931, construction began on the WRB-sponsored demonstration home in Eastmoreland. Through construction of the demonstration house, the WRB sought to promote home ownership, demonstrate sound building techniques, and “show what may be done for $12,000 in this city when it comes to attractive, practical homes.” The WRB Demonstration House was designed by

E.T. Pape and constructed by Alex M. Shand and A. Selby Reager on a 66-by-110-foot lot at the intersection of what is now SE Knapp and 28th Avenue. The property address was originally 941 Knapp Avenue and was changed to 2805 SE Knapp Avenue during the 1931 street renaming. 152

The WRB committee responsible for the demonstration house project was appointed by board president Lillian Sauvie and included Mary Shand (wife of builder Alex M. Shand), Mrs. Alvin Johnson, and Ida Symmonds. The Oregon Daily Journal described the house as a “two-story structure of English architecture. Its design will incorporate the latest equipment for homes and fine interior finish. The plan provides for eight major rooms.” WRB committee member Mary Shand announced that the home would be finished on June 1, 1931, and, upon completion, the WRB would host a 30-day inspection demonstration. In the meantime, the house would be open to the public during all stages of construction.153 By July 5, 1931, the Oregonian reported that “So much interest has been manifested in the model house erected by the Portland Women’s Realty board at East Twenty-Eighth Street and Knapp Avenue that duplications are now being considered seriously, according to board officers.” Prospective homeowners who visited the house had requested that the board build them a similar house.154

Eastmoreland Grocery and Meat Market

Eastmoreland’s deed restrictions prohibited commercial enterprises such as stores. Consequently, in 1923, the Eastmoreland Grocery and Meat Market, also known locally as “The Little Store,” operated within the Berkeley Addition at Eastmoreland’s central-eastern border. The storekeepers, Mr. and Mrs. Pete Stoinoff, originally lived in the back of the store until business improved and they had the funds to complete building remodels. At first, the store entrance faced SE 36th Avenue. By 1943, the entrance faced SE Knapp Street. The Stoinoffs gathered items for their customers, rather than having the customers collect their own groceries. The store received many incoming orders by telephone and, until 1965, sent groceries out for delivery. The store was quite busy and sometimes remained open for 24 hours a day. The Stoinhoffs’ children and grandchildren attended the Duniway School. Wilbur and Maxine Cox bought the store from the Stoinhoffs in 1960. Jack Christenson, an employee of the Cox family, acquired ownership of the store when Wilbur and Maxine Cox moved to Corvallis. By 1973, the Cox family had returned to Portland and entered into partnership with the Christensons.155 The Eastmoreland Grocery and Meat Market continued to serve the neighborhood until it closed sometime around 2014, and the rear of the building was again used for residential use.

The Eastmoreland Grocery and Meat Market store is included in the district as an excellent example of how commercial uses were restricted within the original Eastmoreland Plat through the use of restrictive covenants. The store’s construction just beyond the boundary of the original plat provides visible evidence of how the Ladd Estate Company, and subsequently the Eastmoreland Company, successfully prevented these enterprises from locating within the residential district. The building also conveys how businesses opted to situate themselves on the unregulated fringes of residential areas to optimize neighborhood level commerce.

The Great Depression and a 1930s Building Boom

With the onset of the Great Depression, the construction of homes in Eastmoreland did not slow as much as it did elsewhere in Portland, such as in Buckman and Irvington. While 1934 and 1935 witnessed limited building activity, the year 1936 saw a resumption of construction that was sustained until 1943. In the 1930s, the homes of Eastmoreland began to garner a more streamlined and minimalist approach to architectural detailing. While holding onto historic antecedents, architects began to experiment with minimalistic approaches to adornment. Architects Herman Brookman, Roi Morin, Harold Doty, Richard Sundeleaf, and Roscoe Hemenway erected homes that still maintained a degree of historical detailing but in a much more restrained manner. The 1940 dwelling at 3520 SE Crystal Springs, designed by Morin, for instance, reveals how a three-part Palladian plan house with a central pavilion could be designed with the most minimal of architectural detailing while maintaining classical proportions. The house featured classical bilateral symmetry, with minimal eaves and a hipped-gable roof, but lacked the classical accouterments such as columns  reflecting a classical order. Brookman was a particularly prolific designer during this period as he designed his own family’s home (3680 SE Glenwood Street, 1931), Tom Green House (3820 SE Glenwood Street, 1933), and Emma Stein House (3732 SE Glenwood, 1932)—all three situated in the Reed Garden Homes subdivision that Brookman and his family lived in. The subdivision was established in 1931 and featured a similar set of deed restrictions as those contained in the original plat of Eastmoreland.156 The triumvirate of houses was featured in the November 1934 issue of the national publication Architecture, in an extensive article that featured Brookman’s new residential designs.157 As these are the only homes designed by Brookman in the Reed Garden Homes plat, it is likely the Great Depression ended the Brookman vision to develop the entire development. Brookman went on to design several other homes within the original Eastmoreland plat, including 8015 SE 28th Avenue and 3510 SE Tolman Street. Brookman teamed with Harold Doty to design the Kenneth Eckert House at 3510 SE Tolman Street, an important predecessor of the Ranch style in Portland.158 Richard Sundeleaf designed the house at 3111 SE Lambert Street, while Roscoe Hemenway served as the architect for the residence at 3210 SE Woodstock Boulevard (1942).

Buildings erected during this period tended to be smaller in scale than earlier houses and some qualified for special low down-payment Federal Housing Administration (FHA), which was formed in 1934 under the National Housing Act. An advertisement in 1937 promoted a “snow white colonial” home in Eastmoreland and noted that the property qualified for “FHA terms.”159 Homes that qualified for these preferential down payment percentages and/or mortgage rates were required to meet certain standards for construction. The FHA also insured loans made by banks and other private lenders for home building.160 Several homes in Eastmoreland also became rentals during the 1930s as the Depression shook the financial confidence of potential home owners. The house at 7614 SE Twenty-Seventh Avenue, for instance, became a rental in the 1930s occupied by Lee and Mina Keswick for nearly ten years.161

By the early 1930s, the social composition of Eastmoreland had grown into a mix of professional types, ranging from company presidents to clerks; from managers to secretaries; and from construction supervisors to building craftsman. The mixture of larger with smaller homes allowed for a relatively economically mixed environment that ranged from the middle to upper-middle class professional workers and their families to young couples and single member households. The deed restrictions on Eastmoreland properties that established minimum house construction costs, setbacks, and racial exclusions ended in 1938. By 1948, the deed restrictions that excluded specific racial groups from residential subdivisions were ruled unconstitutional by the United States Supreme Court thus ending over 50 years of their use in Portland.162

Post-War Developments and Infill (1946-1961)

With a limited number of lots remaining for development within Eastmoreland, development occurred at a slow rate but picked upon particularly in the late 1940s and early 1950s. While many of these residences continued to feature Minimal Traditional detailing, other homes, such as the 1951 house at 6835 SE 29th Avenue, reflected a continuum with Eastmoreland’s architectural past. A studied example of the Colonial Revival style, the house reflects the mid-eighteenth-century Georgian period’s attention to detailing, including brick construction, hipped roof, five-bay second story, and belt course, but the Roscoe Hemenway-designed home nonetheless conveyed a degree of modernity through the installation of large bay windows flanking the classically detailed main entry.

One of the largest, undivided parcels remaining in the original plat of Eastmoreland was the former “Mary Parker property” situated near the corner of Woodstock Boulevard and SE 28th Avenue. The property was acquired, platted, and subsequently developed by designer/builder E. Kenneth Birkemeier. Having constructed a number of homes in Eastmoreland since the 1930s, including the 1936 English Cottage/Minimal Traditional styled house at 7425 SE 36th Avenue (EC), the prolific Birkemeier recognized the significance of this opportunity and built custom-designed Ranch style dwellings within the existing confines of the original Eastmoreland plat. These Ranch style dwellings, when considered with earlier examples of the Minimal Traditional style, particularly the E. Kenneth Eckert House (3510 SE Tolman Street, 1935), reveal how trends in residential architecture in Eastmoreland evolved over time and how designers adapted to the prevailing architectural desires of housing consumers.

In December 1956, National Properties and National Mortgage Co. advertised for real estate in Eastmoreland, referring to the district as “a family community.” A major selling point highlighted in the advertisement was the “NEW HOMES, designed and constructed by Kenneth Birkemeier ranging from $30,000 to $42,000, overlooking Eastmoreland golf course”—a project that had the potential for up to ten homes.163

Birkemeier originally bought the property within the Eastmoreland/Eastmoreland Vacation plat in 1955 and named the development Lakeview Addition. By May of 1955, he had completed one home, with two more under construction. The homes ranged in price from $42,000 to $45,000.164 Three of the houses were the modern Ranch-style residences at 2812, 2820, and 2830 SE Moreland Lane, completed in 1957-1958, with brick cladding and views of the Eastmoreland Golf Course.165 They featured large windows, spacious rooms, and open floor plans, characteristic of Birkemeier homes. In 1959, Birkemeier constructed another custom midcentury Ranch-style home at 2909 SE Martins Street in Eastmoreland. On a nearby property, one of the final dwellings erected during the period of significance was the house at 3035 SE Martins Street designed by Frank L. Shell. A pioneer of the northwest modern style in Portland that expressed wood structure and natural surface materials, Shell designed several residences and was well known at the time for his cutting-edge style, which now defines the iconic mid-century modern look.166 The house was constructed for a member of the faculty at Reed College, thus indicating that the neighborhood remained historically associated with the college while also reflecting how architects continued to design prominent examples of residential architecture in the neighborhood through 1961.167

It was also during this period that an additional subdivision immediately adjacent to the original Eastmoreland Plat was established: Fedor Addition (1947). Fedor Addition was platted by Jean Rohde Hryciuk and Fedor Hryciuk and witnessed by architect Roscoe Hemenway, who likely collaborated on the construction and design of homes in the new addition. Fedor Hryciuk held noteworthy connections to Eastmoreland, as he was a mason who constructed many of the residential basalt retaining walls in the neighborhood.168

While the postwar housing boom was underway, Eastmoreland residents lobbied the City of Portland to develop a large parcel of vacant land at Eastmoreland’s east side, which was ultimately established as Berkeley Park in 1946. The City had originally purchased the parkland in 1941, with funds from a 1938 tax levy, as part of a 20-acre neighborhood tract. Housing was developed on much of the parcel except for the 6.5-acre tract that was designated for a potential park. In 1946, the Portland Parks Superintendent proposed that the property, which was bordered on three sides by housing, be developed as additional residential properties because it was perceived as too costly to develop as a park. The neighbors disagreed and successfully petitioned for the property to be developed as a park.169 The park contains a single-story restroom “comfort station” built in 1953 by Healy & Reserve Company and is within the historic district due to its connections with the neighborhood’s efforts to develop the park as a recreational amenity.170


54 E. Kimbark MacColl, The Shaping of a City: Business and Politics in Portland, Oregon 1885 to 1915 (Portland, OR: The Georgian Press Company, 1976), 118-119; See also Richard Thompson, Images of Rail: Portland’s Streetcars (San Francisco, CA: Arcadia Publishing, 2006), 17.
55 Alan Gowans, The Comfortable House: North American Suburban Architecture, 1890-1930 (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1986), 17.
56 Timothy Askin, Ernestina Fuenmayor, and Carl Abbott, North Buckman Historic District, National Register of Historic Places Registration Form (not listed), 2012, 19-20.
57 Ibid., 8-9.
58 Ibid., 20.
59 Kirk Ranzetta and Heather Scotten, Irvington Historic District, National Register of Historic Places Registration Form, 2010, 12-14.
60  Arthur Cole, Business Enterprise in Its Social Setting (Cambridge, MA:  Harvard University, 1959), 108-109, 124-128, 161-164. 61 Patricia Frigero, Carl Abbott, Judith Rees, and Catherine Galbraith, Ladd’s Addition Historic District, National Register of Historic Places Registration Form, 1988, 8.1-8.4.
62 Frigero, 1988, 8.4. It should be noted that the plat was filed 2 years prior to what many historians believe to be the beginning of the City Beautiful movement in the Chicago Exposition in 1893 and nearly 6 years prior to its proposed beginning here in Portland in 1897. See also Cielo Lutino, et al., The City Beautiful Movement and Civic Planning in Portland, Oregon 1897-1921, National Register of Historic Places, Multiple Property Documentation Form, 2000; 1.
63 Ibid.
64 Kiril Stanilov, Brenda Case Scheer, Suburban Form: An International Perspective (New York: Routledge, 2004), 232. Martha Adrienne Works, “Creating and Recreating an Ideal: The Role of Historic Landscapes in a Rapidly Changing Urban Area” in Yearbook of the Association of Pacific Coast Geographers, Vol. 60 (1998): 31.
65 See Stanilov, 233, as well as Works, 31-32.
66 Olmsted apparently suggested Ladd’s motives in a letter to his wife. See Kenneth James Guzowski, Portland’s Olmsted Vision (1897-1915): A Study of the Public Landscapes Designed by Emanuel T. Mische in Portland, Oregon (M.S. Thesis, University of Oregon, 1990), 62, and Charles E. Beveridge, The Master List of Design Projects of the Olmsted Firm, 1857-1950, (New York:
National Association for Olmsted Parks, 1987).
67 John C. Olmsted to Frederick Law Olmsted, Jr., December 4, 1908, as quoted in Guzowski, 63.
68 Ames, et al, 2002, 40-41. Riverside, Illinois, designed in 1869, represents one of the earliest and archetypal example of the Picturesque suburb as espoused by Frederick Law Olmsted. Eastmoreland’s street pattern is notably similar.
69 Lutino, E.1.
70 Richard E. Ritz, F.A.I.A, A History of the Reed College Campus and its Buildings (Portland, Oregon: The Trustees of the Reed Institute, 1990), 11.
71 “Conversion of Blooded Stock Ranch into University Site Marks Epoch in Growth of City,” Oregon Daily Journal, March 17, 1912.
72 “The Influence of Reed Institute Upon Surrounding Property,” The Sunday Oregonian, September 1910.
73 “Ladd Farm Is Site of Reed Institute,” Oregonian, February 5, 1910.
74 Ibid.
75 “Carline is Rushed,” Oregonian, July 16, 1911.
76 Oregon Daily Journal, March 17, 1912.
77 “College Place To Be Exquisite Residence Site,” Oregon Daily Journal, July 9, 1911.
78 Ibid. It should be noted that historical associations with Portland’s 1913 Bennett Plan is one of the prerequisites for significance under the City Beautiful Movement and Civic Planning in Portland, Oregon MPDF. See Lutino, E-18.
79 Larry W. Price (ed.), Portland’s Changing Landscape (Portland, Oregon: Department of Geography, Portland State University and the Association of American Geographers), 1987, 137.
80 “Ladd Estate Will Build A Carline 1 1-8 Miles Long,” Oregon Daily Journal, March 5, 1911.
81 Ibid.
82 Ibid.
83 Advertisement, Oregon Daily Journal, March 7, 1910.
84 Advertisement, Oregonian, March 12, 1912.
85 “Permit Extension of Reed College Line,” Oregon Daily Journal, August 29, 1912; “The Influence of Reed Institute Upon Surrounding Property,” The Sunday Oregonian, September 12, 1910.
86 Map of Regal Hill, Land Records of Multnomah County, PL0564-095-096; Map of Campus Heights, Land Records of Multnomah County, PL0560-079-080.
87 Dr. Rodney L. Le Roy, Jacques and Amelia Reinhart House, National Register of Historic Places Nomination Form, October 25, 1985.
88 Le Roy, 1985.
89 Dell Upton, Architecture in the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 223-224.
90 Richard Guy Wilson, “Divine Excellence: The Arts and Crafts in California” in Trapp, ed., The Arts and Crafts in California (Oakland, CA: The Oakland Museum and Abbeville Press, 1993), 16-17.
91 Evan McKenzie, Privatopia: Homeowners Associations and the Rise of Residential Private Governments (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1994), 9.
92 Advertisement, Oregonian, April 3, 1910.
93 “Buy in Eastmoreland! Why?” [advertisement], Oregon Daily Journal, August 28, 1910.
94 Oregon Daily Journal, July 9, 1911.
95 Oregon Daily Journal, March 5, 1911.
96 Property Deed, Ladd Estate Company to Ada H. Brown, February 13, 1914, 195. From Abstract of Title, Coleman and Mackie, Abstracters, Oregonian Building, Portland, Oregon for Lot 29, Block 21, Eastmoreland. ENA Collection.
97 Property Deed, Ladd Estate Company to Ada H. Brown, February 13, 1914, 196.
98 This number is an estimate based upon the numbers of homes identified during the reconnaissance level survey as being erected in that time period. Additional homes may have been erected during that time period but are no longer extant.
99 E. Kimbark MacColl, The Growth of a City: Power and Politics in Portland, Oregon 1915-1950 (Portland: The Georgian Press
Company, 1979), 73.
100 “Row of Handsome Bungalows in Eastmoreland Being Completed by Ladd Estate Company” Oregonian, August 29, 1920. XXXXIX: 35, p. 10.
101 William J. Hawkins and William F. Willingham, Classic Houses of Portland, Oregon, 1850-1950 (Portland, OR: Timber Press, 1999), 366.
102 Ibid.
103 Marc A. Weiss, The Rise of the Community Builder (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987), 40-42.
104 Oregon Historic Sites Database, “Eastmoreland Golf Course”, Site Information, 2006.
105 Ibid.
106 Oregon Historic Sites Database, “Eastmoreland Golf Course”, 2006.
107 Geoff Shackelford, The Golden Age of Golf Design (Chelsea, MI: Sleeping Bear Press, 1999); Geoffrey S. Cornish and Ronald E. Whitten, The Architects of Golf (New York: Rutledge Press, 1993) passim.
108  It should be noted that the Eastmoreland Golf Course was determined eligible for the NRHP by the Federal Transit Administration in 2002. See Parametrix, et al., Historic, Archaeological, and Cultural Resources Results Report, Prepared in Support of the Portland-
Milwaukie Light Rail Project, Final Environmental Impact Statement, October 2010, 21 and 26; Kenneth T. Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 99.
109 Carl Abbott, “Greater Portland: Experiments with Professional Planning, 1905-1925,” The Pacific Northwest Quarterly Vol. 76 No. 1 (1985): 13.
110 MacColl, 1979, 341-342.
111 “Bridge Proposal To Be Voted On; Need Is Shown,” Oregon Daily Journal, October 8, 1922. 112 “Street Extension Aids Solution of Traffic Problems,” Oregon Daily Journal, October 1, 1922. 113 “Traffic Artery Opened,” Oregonian, October 22, 1922.
114 Price (ed.), 1987, 137.
115 Oregonian, October 22, 1922.
116 “Street Extension Aids Solution of Traffic Problems,” Oregon Daily Journal, October 1, 1922.
117 “Eastmoreland and Westmoreland,” Oregonian, March 22, 1925.
118 “Eastmoreland” [advertisement], Oregonian, December 6, 1926.
119 “Lots,” Oregonian, September 22, 1927.
120 Duniway PTA and Eastmoreland Neighborhood Association, Eastmoreland: Forever Endowed with Wealth and Wisdom (Portland: Duniway PTA and Eastmoreland Neighborhood Association), 1977, 5.
121 “Feudal Home Is 4 Centuries Old,” Oregonian, October 9, 1921. Prior to his service on the camouflage corps, Doty served with the 162nd Infantry.
122 Ibid.
123 Ibid.
124 Michael Shellenbarger, Harmony in Diversity: The Architecture and Teaching of Ellis F. Lawrence (Eugene, OR: Museum of Art
and the Historic Preservation Program, 1989) passim. Ellis Lawrence was the designer for three dwellings erected by contractor James Hickey: 6900 SE 28th Avenue, 6719 SE 29th Avenue, and 6819 SE 29th Avenue. He also designed the house at 6206 SE 30th Avenue. All of the Lawrence homes were erected between 1924 and 1926.
125 Ellis Lawrence to Dr. Will Norris, September 1, 1939, University of Oregon Archives.
127 MacColl, 1979, 342. The Eastmoreland Company was not a neighborhood association, but rather a group of shareholders who owned property in Eastmoreland, who wanted to make sure that the remaining lots were sold and that homes of adequate value were constructed. The date of this sale (October 1, 1926) coincided with the resignation of William M. Ladd from his post as president of the Ladd Estate Company due to ill health (See Oregon Historical Society, “Ladd Estate Company,” https://oregonencyclopedia.org/articles/ladd_estate_company/#.WQbzLvkrKUk, accessed on May 1, 2017.
128 “A Cooperative Subdivision,” National Real Estate Journal, January 10, 1927, 20.
129 MacColl, 1979, 342.
130 Ibid.
131 Ibid.
132 Janet Hutchison, “The Cure for Domestic Neglect: Better Homes in America, 1922-1935” in Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture, Vol. 2 (1986): 168-178.
133 “Portlanders Urged to Tour City Sundays for Inspection of Brick Homes,” The Sunday Oregonian April 7, 1929.
134 “$15,000 Home Won by Portland Girl,” Oregonian. December 31, 1924.
135 “Electricity was Young Then,” Lake Oswego Review. July 19, 1983.
136 “$15,000 Home is Begun: Miss Julia Groo Turns Spadeful of Earth,” newspaper clipping, May 10, 1925.
137 “A Thousand per Day,” Oregonian. November 11, 1925.
138 Jeffrey M. Hornstein, “’Rosie the Realtor’ and the Regendering of Real Estate Brokerage, 1930-1960,” Enterprise & Society, Vol. 3, No. 2, June 2002, 320-321.
139 Natasha Geiling, “How Oregon’s Second Largest City Vanished in a Day,” February 18, 2015, accessed on October 1, 2016 at http://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/vanport-oregon-how-countrys-largest-housing-project-vanished-day-180954040/?no-ist 140 R. Oppenheim, “So There!” Western Advertising, Vol. 3, 1921, 34.
141 “Women Specialize In Various Lines As Realty Brokers,” Oregon Daily Journal, December 31, 1922.
142 “Women’s Activities,” Oregonian, September 18, 1921.
143 Ibid.
144 Ibid.
145 Oppenheim, 1921.
146 “Women Realtors Coming,” Morning Register (Eugene, Oregon), October 15, 1921.
147 “State Realtors Desire Change in Tax Methods,” Morning Register (Eugene, Oregon), October 30, 1921. 148 “Realty Board To Meet,” Oregonian, March 31, 1922; “Two Delegates Named,” Oregonian, April 1, 1922. 149 “Women Realtors Gain,” Oregon Daily Journal, September 28, 1922.
150 “Women Specialize In Various Lines as Realty Brokers,” Oregon Daily Journal, December 31, 1922.
151 Women’s Council of Realtors: Our History,” Accessed on August 8, 2016 at http://www.wcr.org/about-us/our-history/.
152 “Womens Realty Board Will Build Demonstration Home,” Oregon Daily Journal, February 22, 1931.
153 “Womens Board Will Sponsor Model House,” Oregon Daily Journal, February 22, 1931.
154 “Women’s Realty Board Model House Causes Interest,” Oregonian, July 5, 1931. Preliminary research has not yet determined whether the WRB designed additional homes in Portland for interested parties.
155 Duniway PTA and Eastmoreland Neighborhood Association, 1977, 11.
156 “Plat of Reed Garden Homes,” Multnomah County Surveyor records, PL1177-020. The Reed Garden Homes tract has been included in the historic district due to its associations with Brookman, a designer of two homes within the original Eastmoreland Plat (8015 SE 28th and 3510 SE Tolman) as well as its similar use of deed restrictions.
157 “Some Recent Houses by Herman Brookman,” Architecture, November 1934.
158 Oregon Historic Sites Database, “E. Kenneth Eckert House”, Site Information, nd. See also Hawkins and Willingham, 486 and 497.
159 “Snow White Colonial,” Oregonian, May 14, 1937.
160 Ames, et al., 61-63.
161 Kenny, np.
162 Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1 (1948).
163 “Eastmoreland, A Family Community,” Oregonian, December 2, 1956.
164 “Homes Rise In District,” Oregonian, May 5, 1957.
165 Portlandmaps.com, accessed on October 1, 2016, at https://www.portlandmaps.com
166 Snow Blackwood, “Modernist Architecture History Gets Restored, Oregon Home, October 12, 2016, accessed on October 25, 2016, at http://oregonhomemagazine.com/component/content/article/66-the-magazine/1597-before-after-frank-shell
167 Ibid.
168 “Oregon loses its elder artisan at age of 107,” Oregonian, February 11, 1983.